1976 The Community vs The Establishment -Brzezinski - Deep State
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1976 NYT article The Community vs The Establishment: How a bunch of teachers and journalists marketed themselves as "experts" via a mass propaganda scheme to control the United States Government.
WASHINGTON\u2014Cyrus R. Vance, Secretary of State\u2010designate; Zbigniew Brzezinski, who will be national security affairs adviser; W. Michael Blumenthal, named Secretary of the Treasury; Harold Brown, who may be chosen Defense Secretary\u2014all are part of a small floating group that comes close to monopolizing the top foreign and national security posts in any administration. Known as the foreign policy community, it does not operate as a club of the like\u2010minded or a conspiracy or a governing board. It acts more like an aristocracy of professionals. Its members sometimes actually make the decisions, usually define what is to be debated and invariably manage the resulting policies.
The elite of the Community comprises some 300 professors, lawyers, businessmen, Congressional aides, foundation executives, thinktank experts and even some journalists. It first infiltrated, then subsumed the older and familiar Establishment of Wall Street bankers and lawyers.
It is difficult to compare the power of the Community wish that of the Establishment. What can be said is that its power is different, more diffuse and makes itself felt in more complex ways. For the old Establishment that was led by such men as Henry L. Stimson, Robert Lovett and John J. McCloy, foreign policy was essentially a second career. Their main interest was the interests of business in and out of Government. For most members of the Community, being in government or second\u2010guessing the Government on foreign affairs is a full\u2010time job.
The men of the Establishment were insiders, who knew the right persons to telephone, meeting quietly, avoiding publicity. Most members of the Community operate far more openly. They have to:\u2014unlike the Rockefellers, they cannot pick up the phone and speak to the President. They talk to the President indirectly, through the articles they write in journals such as Foreign Affairs and Foreign Policy or in the op\u2010ed pages of this and other newspapers, or in testimony to Congressional committees, through attending conferences with high Government officials at the Brookings Institution in Washington or the Council on Foreign Relations in New York.
As in any group of people seeking power, the premium is still on reputation for judgment and skill in personal relations. But in the post\u20101950's world, that calls for more than simply fighting wars and doing business, expertise became the ticket to power, and the members of the Community had it.
University men, experts and professors, used to be merely assistants to the men of the Establishment. But with the advent of McGeorge Bundy in the Kennedy Administration, Walt W. Rostow in the Johnson Administration, and finally Henry Kissinger in the Nixon Administration, the professors had moved to the center of power.
These men, and particularly their students and proteges, were not cut from a single socioeconomic mold. The Establishment was wealthy, almost pure WASP, and their views were centrist, cautious, often nonpartisan with a slightly Republican cast. The denizens of the Community are Republicans and Democrats and often highly partisan.
There are at least three identifiable groupings of views within the Community. Right of center is the group that looks to James R. Schlesinger, Defense Secretary in the Nixon and Ford Administrations. It still sees power and force as the governing elements of world politics, and still perceives the Soviet Union as an imminent threat to American security. Its adherents seek to increase military spending and get tougher with the Russians. In the center is a group that can be identified with Secretary of State\u2010designate Vance and Mr. Brzezinski. Its adherents are as concerned with relations among industrialized nations and relations between these nations and the developing world as they are with security issues relative to Moscow. They are prepared to play power politics but profess to want to move beyond it. On the left are those who think like Marcus Raskin and Richard Barnett of the Institute for Policy Studies, a private thinktank in Washington. They would restrict the military budget to continental defense, eschew intervention abroad and look to the United Nations to settle disputes and divide the world's riches.
While those on the left are invited to the conferences and can get their articles published in the right journals, they are rarely asked to serve in the Administration. They are still not considered safe or sound enough for real power. But a measure of their influence is that the views of the present center are those which the left expounded ten years ago.
This is not to say that the right and center comprise one happy family. In the last few years, they have been critical of Mr. Kissinger, who fell between the two. In the last week or so, the dispute over the possible reappointment of Mr. Schlesinger to the top Pentagon post was a good measure of the mutual discontent.
But it is from these two groups principally that Presidentelect Carter and his aides will be drawing to fill the top foreign\u2010policy making positions. In his book on Vietnam, David Halberstam wrote about some of these men and many of their predecessors, calling them \u201cthe best and the brightest.\u201d He found them cut off from the concerns of the American people, too certain of their judgments and opportunistic. Some of them stayed in government; most did not. Many of them have reformulated their views of the role of the United States in the world. Whether they will operate differently remains to be seen.
The elite of the Community comprises some 300 professors, lawyers, businessmen, Congressional aides, foundation executives, thinktank experts and even some journalists. It first infiltrated, then subsumed the older and familiar Establishment of Wall Street bankers and lawyers.
It is difficult to compare the power of the Community wish that of the Establishment. What can be said is that its power is different, more diffuse and makes itself felt in more complex ways. For the old Establishment that was led by such men as Henry L. Stimson, Robert Lovett and John J. McCloy, foreign policy was essentially a second career. Their main interest was the interests of business in and out of Government. For most members of the Community, being in government or second\u2010guessing the Government on foreign affairs is a full\u2010time job.
The men of the Establishment were insiders, who knew the right persons to telephone, meeting quietly, avoiding publicity. Most members of the Community operate far more openly. They have to:\u2014unlike the Rockefellers, they cannot pick up the phone and speak to the President. They talk to the President indirectly, through the articles they write in journals such as Foreign Affairs and Foreign Policy or in the op\u2010ed pages of this and other newspapers, or in testimony to Congressional committees, through attending conferences with high Government officials at the Brookings Institution in Washington or the Council on Foreign Relations in New York.
As in any group of people seeking power, the premium is still on reputation for judgment and skill in personal relations. But in the post\u20101950's world, that calls for more than simply fighting wars and doing business, expertise became the ticket to power, and the members of the Community had it.
University men, experts and professors, used to be merely assistants to the men of the Establishment. But with the advent of McGeorge Bundy in the Kennedy Administration, Walt W. Rostow in the Johnson Administration, and finally Henry Kissinger in the Nixon Administration, the professors had moved to the center of power.
These men, and particularly their students and proteges, were not cut from a single socioeconomic mold. The Establishment was wealthy, almost pure WASP, and their views were centrist, cautious, often nonpartisan with a slightly Republican cast. The denizens of the Community are Republicans and Democrats and often highly partisan.
There are at least three identifiable groupings of views within the Community. Right of center is the group that looks to James R. Schlesinger, Defense Secretary in the Nixon and Ford Administrations. It still sees power and force as the governing elements of world politics, and still perceives the Soviet Union as an imminent threat to American security. Its adherents seek to increase military spending and get tougher with the Russians. In the center is a group that can be identified with Secretary of State\u2010designate Vance and Mr. Brzezinski. Its adherents are as concerned with relations among industrialized nations and relations between these nations and the developing world as they are with security issues relative to Moscow. They are prepared to play power politics but profess to want to move beyond it. On the left are those who think like Marcus Raskin and Richard Barnett of the Institute for Policy Studies, a private thinktank in Washington. They would restrict the military budget to continental defense, eschew intervention abroad and look to the United Nations to settle disputes and divide the world's riches.
While those on the left are invited to the conferences and can get their articles published in the right journals, they are rarely asked to serve in the Administration. They are still not considered safe or sound enough for real power. But a measure of their influence is that the views of the present center are those which the left expounded ten years ago.
This is not to say that the right and center comprise one happy family. In the last few years, they have been critical of Mr. Kissinger, who fell between the two. In the last week or so, the dispute over the possible reappointment of Mr. Schlesinger to the top Pentagon post was a good measure of the mutual discontent.
But it is from these two groups principally that Presidentelect Carter and his aides will be drawing to fill the top foreign\u2010policy making positions. In his book on Vietnam, David Halberstam wrote about some of these men and many of their predecessors, calling them \u201cthe best and the brightest.\u201d He found them cut off from the concerns of the American people, too certain of their judgments and opportunistic. Some of them stayed in government; most did not. Many of them have reformulated their views of the role of the United States in the world. Whether they will operate differently remains to be seen.
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